AMD confirms its next-gen RDNA 4 GPUs will launch in early 2025
AMD’s Q3 2024 earnings call today wasn’t bullish on gaming revenue overall, but it did confirm a hot new rumor on GPUs — specifically, the launch of AMD’s next-gen RDNA 4 parts early next year. “We are on track to launch the first RDNA4 GPUs in early 2025,” said AMD CEO Lisa Su, and the company confirmed to PCWorld that it’s the first time it’s shared those plans publicly.
“In addition to a strong increase in gaming performance, RDNA 4 delivers significantly higher ray tracing performance and adds new AI capabilities,” Su said on the call.
AMD confirming those chips might help lend credibility to other leaks, too. Earlier today, a Chiphell leaker rumored that AMD would announce its RDNA 4 graphics at CES 2025 in January, alongside its leaked Strix Halo and Fire Range gaming notebook parts, its confirmed Ryzen Z2 handheld gaming chips, and more.
AMD expects its gaming revenue to continue to decline this quarter, due in no small part to the PlayStation 5 and Xbox Series consoles aging out, and it’s not exactly the company’s primary focus these days anyhow. On today’s call, Su pointed out how gaming only accounts for two percent of the company’s revenue, while data center is now well over half of the company’s business. She says that after spending 10 years turning AMD around, her next task is to “make AMD the end-to-end AI leader.”
The best Nintendo Switch controllers to buy right now
From the unbeatable Switch Pro and comfy Joy-Con alternatives to a dongle that lets you use your Xbox or PlayStation controllers with your Switch, these are the best Switch controllers you can get.
The best Nintendo Switch controllers aren’t the ones that come with it. While the removable Joy-Cons included with all non-Lite Switch consoles are convenient given they can be detached for wireless use, their tiny contourless design isn’t that comfortable for long gaming sessions or large hands. And while Nintendo has taken steps to address the dreaded Joy-Con drift and earlier quality control problems, some issues persist.
In this buying guide, we focus on wireless controllers that are both comfortable and reliable, as well as a few options that come with unique features designed to match your play style. We’re not covering wired controllers that plug into the Switch’s dock, as they’re almost all the same and don’t offer substantial savings in many cases. (PowerA and PDP make decent ones that will do in a pinch, but they’re very basic. Unless you detest recharging your controllers, it makes more sense to go wireless.)
Also, if you buy a third-party wireless controller (as in, one not made by Nintendo), there are certain things that it likely won’t be able to do unless otherwise noted:
It won’t have HD rumble. This is what Nintendo calls its advanced haptic feedback, which is more precise than that of many third-party controllers and more akin to Sony’s haptics engine in its subtlety. That said, some more limited rumble may be present.
Many third-party Switch controllers don’t have motion controls for gestures or gyroscopic aiming in games that support it, though more options are starting to implement the latter feature with varying degrees of quality.
Most non-Nintendo options lack an NFC reader for Amiibo cards or figurines, which unlock special features in some games.
Most third-party options won’t be able to turn on the Switch remotely. (You’ll have to manually press the console’s power button.)
While some Switch controllers have 3.5mm headphone jacks, getting audio out of them can only happen through a wired USB connection, not wirelessly. For most people, pairing Bluetooth headphones to your Switch is a sufficient (and very easy) workaround.
If you’re playing your Switch while docked, it’s hard to go wrong with the official Nintendo Switch Pro Controller. It’s the only traditional gamepad that checks all the boxes above — minus the 3.5mm audio jack — and it’s one of the most satisfying controllers we’ve tested. The GuliKit KingKong 2 Pro, meanwhile, makes for a great Xbox-style controller with exhaustive customization, while the Hori Split Pad Pro is great for those who prefer to play in handheld mode. Then there’s 8BitDo’s PC-friendly Ultimate Bluetooth Controller and DualShock-esque Pro 2 controller, both of which are well worth a look.
The best Nintendo Switch controller for TV mode
Supported platforms:Nintendo Switch, PC, Steam Deck, mobile, Apple TV /Connectivity:Bluetooth, wired /Connector type:USB-C /Mappable rear buttons:No /Software customization:No /Rumble:Yes, HD /NFC:Yes /Motion:Yes /Power:Built-in rechargeable /Console Wakeup:Yes
More than seven years down the road, Nintendo’s first-party Pro controller is still the best gamepad for the Switch. It launched alongside the console in 2017 as a more traditional alternative to Nintendo’s quirky Joy-Cons, and in many ways, it rivals the standard models from Sony and Microsoft in terms of comfort and build quality.
Aside from the Joy-Cons, the Switch Pro Controller is the only wireless option that includes HD rumble, gyroscopic movement support, and an NFC reader for Amiibo cards and figurines. It’s also the only controller we’ve tested (again, aside from the Joy-Cons) that can power on the Switch without being plugged into it. The gamepad is built like a tank, and its battery life is so good that it sometimes seems like it’ll never run out. Nintendo says that it lasts around 40 hours per charge, so it’ll likely take casual gamers a long time to run down the battery.
The buttons and triggers have a satisfying bounce, while its directional pad is responsive and clicky enough to satisfy retro gamers. The controller charges via USB-C, just like the Switch, and it’s compatible with a slew of other platforms you might game on, including PC, Android, and SteamOS. It also works with Apple devices thanks to its compatibility with the latest versions of iOS, macOS, and even tvOS and visionOS.
Given the price, we wish that it had other features, like programmable buttons or a 3.5mm headphone jack for audio, even if wireless audio transmission from the Switch to a controller isn’t currently possible. (At least you can connect a pair of wireless headphones via Bluetooth, but only if you have no more than two controllers connected to your Switch at once.)
I’m sure there are some people who enjoy using Joy-Con controllers, but kids and small-handed folks aside, most people probably wouldn’t say they’re the most comfortable option. That’s where the Hori Split Pad Pro comes in.
The Split Pad Pro comes in a variety of colorways, and it both looks and feels like a Switch Pro Controller that’s split in half. One-half slides into each side of the Switch console like Joy-Cons, but unlike Nintendo’s default controllers, Hori’s gamepad features big, easy-to-reach buttons and generously sized triggers and analog sticks, all of which feel great in play. It also provides a lot of grip, which is particularly useful for people who need to get a better handle on the console for fast gameplay or stay comfy over longer play sessions.
The Split Pad Pro doesn’t have batteries or sensors — not to mention support for rumble, motion, IR, or NFC — so it’s completely useless when detached from the Switch. It’s only for handheld mode unless you purchase the Split Pad Pro Attachment that turns it into a wired controller. We don’t recommend most people go that route since the attachment alone costs more than a Switch Pro Controller, which is a shame considering it doesn’t try to add any of the aforementioned elements (it does add a 3.5mm headphone jack, however).
The company also sells the Split Pad Compact, which is a smaller version of the Split Pad Pro that typically costs around $50. It might be worth a look if you want something as functional as the Split Pad Pro but closer in size to a Joy-Con — especially since it’s currently on sale at Woot for $44.99 ($35 off) with an add-on that lets you use it as a traditional wired controller.
The GuliKit KingKong 2 Pro rivals the Switch Pro Controller in build quality, but it feels more like a modern Xbox controller, and its textured rear grips might give it the edge for some. Unlike most third-party controllers, it retains Amiibo support, though some users have reported issues with inauthentic Amiibo products. The KingKong 2 Pro can connect via Bluetooth to the Switch and to PC, macOS, iOS, Android, and other platforms. And because it uses GuliKit’s Hall effect sensors for its analog sticks, it’s immune to drift.
We recommend checking out this video at iFixit to see a thorough explanation of how it works, but in essence, Hall effect sensors use magnets to alter electrical current instead of physically rubbing on (and eventually wearing down) a sensor to produce an input. While we haven’t heard widespread reports of chronic analog stick drift issues on the Switch Pro Controller thus far, controllers with Hall effect sensors will never encounter it, and the peace of mind is worth the added cost. (The 8BitDo Ultimate Bluetooth Controller below also uses GuliKit’s sensors.)
Control-wise, almost everything about the KingKong 2 Pro feels just right. The face buttons, bumpers, and D-pad all strike a balance between travel, tactile feedback, and feel. The analog sticks are incredibly fluid yet easily snap back into their default positions. Clicking the sticks doesn’t require much force, either, even when they’re off-axis. And while we can’t fully credit GuliKit for the excellent ergonomics afforded by the Xbox-inspired shape, we can award points for the sturdy materials used and nailing a well-balanced weight.
The controller provides exhaustive customizability options, too. You can swap button layouts, program macros, and cycle through preset levels of rumble intensity and trigger sensitivity (which may not apply when using it with the Switch, as it doesn’t support analog triggers). However, managing these settings is less than ideal, as you can only change them by inputting button combinations. Sure, the combos are simple, but memorizing them all is challenging. Thankfully, GuliKit clearly spells everything out in the comprehensive manual you’ll receive with the gamepad.
It’s worth noting that GuliKit now sells a KingKong 3 Pro and KingKong 3 Max. The 3 Pro builds upon the premium controller by adding four slots for detachable rearward buttons or paddles (two come in the box) and a 1,000Hz polling rate for improved responsiveness. The 3 Max is similar but includes three pairs of back buttons (including short and long styles) and a 10-minute macro recording limit (versus 10 seconds on the 3 Pro). There’s also a dedicated trigger mode switch, RGB lights around the analog sticks that signal which sensitivity mode you’re in, and NFC for Amiibo support.
We haven’t tested either of the new GuliKit models (yet), but we intend to pull them in for consideration soon, so stay tuned.
8BitDo’s Ultimate Bluetooth Controller feels like a Switch Pro Controller in shape, with a similarly short grip profile that larger hands may not prefer. Both share Switch and Windows PC support, but 8BitDo gets a leg up with full Steam Deck compatibility. Its haptics are decent but not as good as Nintendo’s, and it’s missing Amiibo support, though it does feature customizable back paddles and motion controls — along with a hidden trick that allows you to wake a docked Switch by giving the controller a little shake. It also comes with a charging dock, which stores the 2.4GHz dongle when not in use. The included dock is handy for charging the 22-hour battery, which is still pretty generous but comes well short of the 40-hour mark set by Nintendo’s official controller.
The Ultimate controller comes in several variants, but we recommend the Bluetooth model over the 2.4GHz or wired options because it includes 2.4GHz connectivity and GuliKit Hall effect sticks, which the 2.4GHz-only version lacks. The analog sticks offer just the right amount of resistance and sport a comfortable concave top, but they’re just a tad short on the sides. All of the buttons offer great travel, though, and the analog triggers have a satisfying amount of resistance when pulled.
As for tweaks, you can customize button mapping profiles, macros, vibration intensity, and stick and trigger sensitivity using the Ultimate Software app on mobile or PC. The controller has a dedicated button that lets you swap between three profiles on the fly, plus an extra turbo button you can either reconfigure or remap. When it comes to Switch controllers, 8BitDo sets the standard for the breadth of these options and how to access them, which is another reason it’s high on our list.
A well-rounded Switch controller that looks like a DualShock
The 8BitDo Pro 2 is another great option with Hall effect sticks for the Nintendo Switch, especially if your hands are happiest with a PlayStation-style controller. The Pro 2 has a comfortable grip, a crisper D-pad than the Switch Pro Controller, and two easy-to-press paddle buttons on the underside. It has rumble support (though not HD rumble) and motion control for games like The Legend of Zelda: Tears of the Kingdom and Overwatch 2, both of which allow for gyroscopic aiming. PlayStation gamers will also appreciate that the left analog stick is located toward the bottom — just like on Sony’s controllers — rather than above the D-pad as on the Switch Pro.
With 8BitDo’s Ultimate software on a mobile device or a Windows computer, you can customize the Pro 2’s button mapping and the sensitivity of its triggers and analog sticks. You can even save up to three control scheme profiles and cycle through them with a button located between the analog sticks. On its rear, there’s a switch that lets it toggle between Nintendo Switch, X-input for PC, DirectInput, and macOS modes, each with its own control customizations and Bluetooth profile. This controller offers a lot for $50 (or $54.99 if you want one of the incredibly cool translucent blue, purple, or green editions).
An adapter that lets you use your own controllers
There are many otherdevices that allow you to use third-party controllers, but 8BitDo’s might be the best value. Instead of spending $70 on multiple Switch Pro Controllers, the $19.99 8BitDo Wireless Bluetooth USB Adapter 2 lets you turn a Bluetooth controller you already own into a wireless Switch controller. It plugs into your Switch dock and supports a wide variety of models, from the latest Xbox and DualSense controllers to last-gen gamepads for the Wii and PlayStation 3. (Note: the first-gen model can’t connect to most Xbox Bluetooth controllers due to a Bluetooth incompatibility, so make sure you get the latest model.)
To our surprise, the PS5 DualSense controller we tested it with worked incredibly well, with better-than-average rumble and more responsive motion controls than many dedicated Switch controllers offer. What’s more, so long as you’re using one of the newer Xbox Series X or S controllers, an Xbox One Bluetooth controller, a DualSense, a DualShock 4, or the Switch Pro Controller, you can customize their button mapping, analog stick sensitivity, and more within 8BitDo’s computer and mobile app.
8BitDo has an extensive support page that lists the steps required to set up your specific controller, as well as which features of those controllers it supports. That said, it’s best if you know the Switch’s button layout by heart if you plan to use either a PlayStation or Xbox controller with this adapter, as the layout on your controller will not match the on-screen prompts in games.
If you already have a controller you really like and don’t mind jumping through a few small hoops to connect it, 8BitDo’s affordable adapter deserves a spot in your entertainment center. If you plan to use more than one third-party controller at a time, you’ll need an adapter for each controller (and a USB hub), but if you have a lot of controllers sitting around, it might be worth it.
We like CRKD’s Nitro Deck around here. It’s a cradle-style controller that holds the Switch between a pair of Hall effect sticks, outfitting it with a standard array of face buttons, four programmable back buttons, turbo functionality, gyro motion controls, and rumble. It has passthrough charging, though, not passthrough video, which would allow it to double as a dock for TV gameplay. The step-up Nitro Deck Plus adds said functionality (with a USB-C to HDMI adapter), along with Bluetooth connectivity and adjustable vibration intensity / analog sensitivity. We’ve found these to be notable improvements, but wish the passthrough solution was more elegant and that CRKD could solve the ergonomics (particularly on the right side, where the analog and button placement can cause discomfort).
We recently tested the GameSir T4 Cyclone Pro ($45.99) for consideration. It offers many of the same functions as the GuliKit KingKong 2 Pro — including remappable buttons, Hall effect sticks, and two distinct macro buttons — along with dedicated vibration motors in the triggers, which is something the GuliKit can’t claim. That said, it falls just short due to mushy-feeling buttons. GameSir considers the extra padding under the buttons a feature that makes the impact softer, but we felt it takes away from the experience. Also, although it’s perfectly usable with the Switch, the Pro’s button labeling takes after Microsoft’s, which may not be ideal for those who have trouble memorizing inputs. We also found resyncing with the Switch to be a chore after switching from a mobile device or a Windows PC.
We also recently tried several wireless PowerA controllers, including the GameCube Style Wireless Controller ($59.99) and a Pikachu-themed version of the standard PowerA Enhanced Wireless ($59.99). We like the fun design of PowerA’s controllers, but they don’t live up to the quality of the models we recommend above, which is a shame considering some cost nearly as much. The GameCube-style wireless controller is a pretty faithful recreation of the original if you fancy a pure Super Smash Bros. experience, but it’s barebones with no rumble, NFC, or IR. It’s an easy way to get the old-school feeling back if you don’t already have a Bluetooth-based alternative to use with 8BitDo’s USB Adapter 2.
Update, October 29th:Updated to reflect current pricing and availability.
We found the best cameras for your budget and needs.
Even with the ability to take excellent photos with our phones and instantly share them across the world, there’s something magical about the old-school instant camera. With just a click of a button, you can capture a moment in a photo that you can see and touch almost immediately. Images captured by an instant camera aren’t as pristine or perfect as those produced by modern digital cameras, but their soft images and imperfections are often a big part of the allure.
Yet not all instant cameras are the same, and some of them are better suited for different needs and budgets. That’s why we tested some of the most popular instant cameras on the market from brands like Fujifilm, Polaroid, Leica, Canon, and Kodak.
All of the models featured in our instant camera buying guide are enjoyable to use, but each offers a different set of features at a different price point. As a result, some are more appropriate for a child or budding photographer, while others are more advanced and provide added creative control (for a price). When it comes down to it, though, we consider print quality, ease of use, and affordability to be the hallmarks of a quality shooter. That’s why we picked Fujifilm’s Instax Mini 12 as the best instant camera for most people, as it ticks all three boxes wonderfully.
If you’re looking for more creative control or features like filters, however, the Instax Mini Evo is our choice, one that boasts great image quality and allows you to choose which photos you’d like to print. Other instant cameras, like the second-gen Polaroid Now Plus and Kodak’s Mini Retro 3, also offer a variety of advanced creative modes for those who desire more.
Take a look at this list of our instant camera recommendations to find the best fit for you.
The best instant camera for most people
Film type:Fujifilm Instax Mini film (sold separately)/Film size:2 x 3-inches /Weight:306 grams/Charging method:AA batteries/Companion app:None/Other features:Built-in selfie mirror, film counter
If all you’re looking to do is just click a button and get a decent print for a reasonable price, we recommend Fujifilm’s Instax Mini 12. It’s a basic instant camera that’s similar to our former pick, the Instax Mini 11, but with some minor updates. It still takes less than five minutes to start shooting, but the setup process is easier since all you need to do is twist the lens to either “on” or “off.” Such ease of use, combined with the camera’s thinner build, makes it particularly well suited for those new to photography and kids.
For an instant camera, image quality is also better than most of the other cameras I tested, producing relatively true-to-life photos. Most of the cameras I tested struggled to capture low-light conditions well, and this one is no exception, but the built-in flash does help. Fujifilm claims the Mini 12 optimizes image quality in both dark and bright environments better than its predecessor, but I didn’t notice much of a difference. The flash — which you can’t disable — is also still overpowering in some instances, resulting in a few overexposed images. If anything, the photos actually seemed a little darker and less vivid than before.
However, at least the Instax Mini 12 captured my features and skin color more accurately when I used the included selfie feature — which is really just a small mirror mounted on the front of the camera.
You can also now zoom in a little easier thanks to a new lens structure, which you can twist to enter the Close-Up Mode in lieu of pressing a button. When in this mode, you can take advantage of the camera’s new “Parallax Correction” feature, which is supposed to result in a more aligned photo. The lens was fun to play with and reminded me of a traditional point-and-shoot, but actually using it to take quality photos takes some time to figure out. As with the Mini 11, it’s still somewhat tricky to center your subject in the frame using this mode, even with the updated lens. Thankfully, it became easier to properly align photos after a couple of attempts (as well as some composition guidance from the manual).
The Mini 12 also offers a number of other niceties. I appreciated the larger-than-average viewfinder and the fact that the camera comes with a small counter that displays the remaining number of shots, which is a feature many of the other instant cameras I tested lacked. It’s easy to lose track of how many photos you’ve taken, especially when out for drinks or while sightseeing on vacation. Yet given each print costs about $1, it’s important to be mindful of how many shots you’ve got left.
All in all, the Instax Mini 12 is a basic camera that caters to all ages and experience levels and gets the job done — and done relatively well. It doesn’t feature Bluetooth or pair with a companion app that allows you to edit photos (only scan them), and it also doesn’t offer advanced features like filters, lens options, or portrait modes. But if you’re looking for an instant camera that offers a great traditional analog experience, this is it.
Best premium instant camera
Film type:Fujifilm Instax Mini film (sold separately)/Film size:2 x 3-inches /Weight:285 grams/Charging method:USB-C (on newer models) /Companion app:Yes/Other features:LCD screen, smartphone printing
One of Fujifilm’s newest instant cameras, the Instax Mini Evo, is my colleague Becca Farcase’s favorite — and it’s mine as well. A hybrid camera that bears a resemblance to Fujifilm’s more expensive Fujifilm X100 line of cameras, it looks good and boasts vintage dials and buttons so stylish that they even caught the attention of passersby as I walked around Los Angeles taking photos. I tested the black camera, but Fujifilm also sells a brown version and, soon, will begin offering limited edition models in silver and gold.
It’s easy to balk at its $199 price tag, but this camera offers a level of flexibility that could save you money in the long run if you use it a lot. That’s because the Instax Mini Evo includes a full-color three-inch LCD screen that lets you preview and select which images you want to print, which can help you avoid wasting film on unwanted shots. The added flexibility gave me more room for creative experimentation, too, as I wasn’t worried about running out of film. I also loved using the Instax Mini Evo app to print photos from my smartphone. Plus, unlike the Instax Mini 12, the Evo now uses a USB-C port (though older black models still use the Micro USB port) for charging so you don’t need to keep buying new batteries.
Unlike Fujifilm’s Instax Mini 12, the Mini Evo comes with a few extra features that can help you capture better photos. For example, you can actually turn off the flash on the Mini Evo and use the three-inch LCD screen as a viewfinder. You can also use the menu to adjust how bright you want the film to look when it’s printed out, which was helpful given neither the Evo nor the Mini 12 are particularly great at capturing dark environments.
Additionally, there are dials you can use to apply various lens options and filters, ranging from retro to monochrome shades, as well as a mirror lens, vignette, soft focus, and more. You can take app-based remote shots, too, which adds an extra element of photographic control that can help you take better selfie shots than the selfie mirror in the front.
Of course, it’s not a perfect device, and there are some downsides to consider outside the price. For instance, although you can add some filters and make a few edits using Fujifilm’s companion app, it just isn’t as feature-rich as some of the apps available for the other digital and hybrid instant cameras I tested. The Evo’s extensive menu system also wasn’t particularly easy to navigate, and it took me some time to figure out how to turn the flash on and off. Plus, if you rely on internal storage solely, you can only take 45 images before the device is full. Still, all of these are minor issues, and I was very happy overall with how portable the stylish camera is, as well as how easy it is to take good photos quickly.
Film type:Kodak Instant Print 3 x 3-inch cartridge (included) /Film size:3 x 3-inch square prints /Weight:467 grams /Charging method:Micro USB /Companion app:Yes/Other features:LCD screen, smartphone printing
Whereas the Instax Mini Evo’s companion app is more functional, Kodak’s hybrid Mini Shot 3 Retro is all about fun. The camera’s accompanying mobile app allows you to apply frames, stickers, filters, and a plethora of customization options to photos, making the camera great for scrapbooking. There’s even a beauty feature within the app to conceal blemishes, as well as a set of Snapchat-like filters you can use to add, say, dog ears, making this a fun instant camera to use as a mini photo booth of sorts at parties.
Like the Instax Mini Evo, Kodak’s Mini Shot 3 Retro comes with an LCD screen (albeit a much smaller one) you can use to decide whether or not you want to print a shot. It also supports Bluetooth, and you can use the Kodak Photo Printer app to upload photos to social media or print decent, relatively crisp photos from your smartphone. Unlike the Mini Evo, however, Kodak’s Mini Shot 3 Retro retails for around $150 and includes a pack of a film (it’s also often on sale for a lot less). It also uses cheaper film; you can currently pick up a 60-sheet cartridge for about $17.99, which equates to roughly $0.33 a shot. The fact that the film is cheaper arguably encourages play and creative experimentation, even if the large 3 x 3-inch square prints feel lower in quality and more flimsy than both Fujifilm’s and Polaroid’s.
However, there are notable drawbacks to the Kodak Mini Shot 3. My biggest issue is that the resulting prints of photos taken with the camera aren’t nearly as crisp or clear as those taken with a smartphone. Photo quality wasn’t consistently as good as the Mini Evo’s or Mini 12’s nor, for the most part, as clear and sharp. The photos also sometimes had an excessive pink tint that can interfere with quality. It doesn’t store images the way the Mini Evo does, either, which means you can’t decide whether you’d like to print them later. It’s also noticeably heavier than the Mini Evo and, frankly, nowhere near as stylish.
Nonetheless, if you don’t mind compromising on photo quality and want a relatively affordable hybrid camera with fun app features, the Kodak Mini Shot 3 Retro is a good choice.
The best instant camera for retro fans
Film type:Polaroid i-Type Color Film (sold separately) /Film size:4.2 x 3.5-inch prints /Weight:451.5 grams /Charging method:USB-C /Companion app:Yes /Other features:Lens filter kit, film counter
If you’re looking for an instant camera that offers the most old-fashioned, instant-film experience, the second-gen Polaroid Now Plus is the camera for you. Compared to the other instant cameras on this list, it most closely resembles vintage instant cameras like the Polaroid 600 with its classic, retro-inspired design. Meanwhile, its square I-Type film prints and iconic Polaroid-style frame give photos a more authentically vintage look.
Yet, at the same time, the second-gen Polaroid Now Plus also comes with the convenience and usefulness of more modern features, including support for USB-C charging. It also offers Bluetooth support and a companion app boasting several creative modes that allow for greater photographic control. These include a remote shutter, a self-timer, and a “Polaroid Lab” where you can adjust the exposure and various color settings. The app also features a handful of shooting modes — including a manual option and one for capturing multiple exposures — while the camera includes a set of five colored lenses you can snap onto the front. These were enjoyable to play with and allowed for more artistic expression.
If there’s one thing the Polaroid Now Plus isn’t known for, it’s portability. Given how heavy, large, and awkwardly sized it is, it’s not the kind of instant camera you can easily slip into your purse or carry around. Plus, it takes up to 15 minutes for prints to develop, and you have to make sure it’s not exposed to light while developing. That’s quite an inconvenience if you’re out with friends, say, at the beach on a sunny day.
If you’re looking for an instant camera that can easily print a good, clear photo without much effort on your part, this is not the camera for you. Of all the cameras on this list, the latest Polaroid Now Plus struggles with low-light environments the most. I could barely see images I took indoors, and I was only able to get the clearest shots when the light was directly behind me during the day — more specifically, in the morning. Even these images weren’t as clear in comparison to Instax film, and both contrast and color saturation levels tend to be quite low.
Admittedly, this gave my pictures more of a dreamy vintage look that felt artistic, and you can use the Polaroid Lab to slightly adjust saturation and exposure settings. However, doing so is time-consuming. Given all these issues, I found it was easy to quickly waste film, which proved expensive. After all, you only get eight I-Type sheets for $16.99, and that’s in addition to forking out $149.99 for the camera.
Truth be told, however, you could argue that many of these shortcomings are typical of a retro Polaroid-inspired instant camera and, thus, part of the experience. If that’s what you’re looking for, and you don’t mind the price, the second-gen Polaroid Now Plus is the perfect camera for you.
The best instant camera for portability
Film type:Polaroid i-Type Color Film (sold separately) /Film size:2.6 x 2.1-inch prints /Weight:239 grams /Charging method:USB-C /Companion app:No /Other features:Self-timer, selfie mirror, film counter
Whereas the Polaroid Now Plus is huge, the second-gen Polaroid Go is tiny. It easily fits into the palm of my hand — which is saying a lot, given I’m petite and a little over five feet tall — making it easily the most portable instant camera on our list. It also produces the smallest prints of all the instant cameras I tested, which could be nice if you’re trying to save some space and want something even more compact than Instax Mini prints.
Weighing just over a pound, the latest Polaroid Go is also the lightest instant camera I’ve ever held, and you can easily use it with one hand. That’s actually pretty convenient, given I sometimes struggled to take pictures with the heavier Polaroid Now Plus and, to a lesser extent, some of the other instant cameras I tested. In fact, if the images produced looked more true-to-life and didn’t require you to hide them from light for about 15 minutes while developing, I’d be tempted to call this the best instant camera for travel or small children.
At $79.99, the latest Polaroid Go is the most affordable Polaroid camera on the market, with film that costs just a little more than Fujifilm’s Instax Mini shots (or about $19.99 for a 16-sheet pack). It also sports a small number of upgrades over the last-gen model despite retailing for $20 less. The most significant is USB-C support, which allows for faster charging and prevents you from having to spend money on AA batteries.
Polaroid also claims the camera produces clearer stills than its predecessor, but truthfully, I didn’t see a significant difference from one generation to the next. The photos are a little brighter, but if anything, the original Polaroid Go — like the Now Plus — produced warmer pictures that I preferred and thought were truer to life. Still, the photos are charming in the way only a Polaroid photo can be. Contrast and color saturation levels are still low but in a way that exudes the vintage, almost dreamy look of the photos taken with the Now Plus.
Unlike the Now Plus, however, the Go lacks creative modes and more advanced features, although it does offer a helpful self-timer and a larger selfie mirror. There’s also no Bluetooth support and, thus, no fancy app that will allow you to add extra effects. Instead, it’s just a simple point-and-shoot camera, just like the Instax Mini 12, which makes it a little easier to use. In addition, as mentioned, the prints are even smaller than the Instax Mini, which could be a drawback for those who prefer larger, more traditional Polaroid photos. While it produces similar vintage-style shots, design-wise, it doesn’t look anything like old-school Polaroid cameras, which could also take away from the retro experience some desire.
That said, none of the older Polaroid cameras came with an app, either. All in all, the Go’s simplicity makes it a suitable candidate for those seeking an easy-to-use camera that provides a more traditional instant film experience — one they can take advantage of just about anywhere for half the price of the Polaroid Now Plus.
Fujifilm recently released the $149.95 Instax Wide 400, the upgraded version of the Wide 300. It’s the company’s first wide-format instant camera in nearly a decade, and like its predecessor, it prints photos that are twice as wide as the Instax Mini 12’s. It features a new self-timer and a rounded body for better grip, though it’s currently only available in a sage green hue. I’ve just got my hands on the camera and have started testing it to see how it stacks up to Fujifilm’s other models, along with other wide-format instant cameras.
Earlier this year, Kodak released the Kodak Smile Plus, another hybrid instant camera you can use to print smartphone photos. It’s cheaper than Kodak’s Mini Retro 3 at $99.99, but it lacks an LCD screen, so you can’t pick and choose images before you print them, which could result in more wasted shots. That said, it does offer a microSD card slot, so you can store and view photos elsewhere. It also prints on Zinc paper, allowing your photos to double as stickers, and comes with a physical filter-changing lens. I’ll be testing the instant camera once I get my hands on it to see how it stacks up, so stay tuned.
A few more good instant cameras (and one to avoid)
From photo quality to the lever you pull to print photos, Leica’s Sofort 2 is a terrific camera that’s remarkably similar to the Instax Mini Evo. In all of my tests, the photos I took with both looked identical. The two hybrid cameras also print smartphone photos via Instax Mini film and offer 10 film and lens effects, along with a macro mode for those who want more creative control. The Sofort 2’s minimalistic look is stylish, too, even if it’s not as charming as the retro-inspired Evo.
The drawback to the Sofort 2 is that it’s twice the price of the Evo. It’s hard to recommend at $389 since most people would likely consider the differences between the two cameras relatively minor. The user interface is easier to navigate on the Leica, though, and I appreciate the included lens cap and extended two-year warranty. I also like that it lets you print photos taken with other Leica cameras via the companion app — a nice perk for Leica fans. Nonetheless, I don’t think those perks are enough to justify spending nearly $200 more.
If you’re looking for an analog instant camera that’s more advanced, Fujifilm’s Instax Mini 99 is one to consider. At around $200, Fujifilm’s latest instant camera is not as affordable as the Instax Mini 12, but it’s certainly a step up from the one-button point-and-click camera given it has multiple brightness settings, focus zones, color effects, and even two shutter buttons for greater creative control. The camera even comes with a tripod socket and an aluminum extension column, as well as a Sports Mode designed to further reduce blur while capturing fast-moving subjects.
Thanks to the added level of customization, I was able to capture higher-quality photos that looked truer to life than those from the Instax Mini 12 and Mini Evo. Granted, the Mini 99 is an analog camera and not a hybrid like the $199.99 Mini Evo, meaning you shouldn’t buy it if you also want to print smartphone photos. The new model also isn’t as simple to use as the Mini 12, so I wouldn’t recommend it for young children. Still, for an advanced analog instant camera, it’s relatively easy to set up and use, rendering it as much of a fun option for budding photographers as it is for the experienced alike.
While it didn’t make the cut, the Instaxf Square SQ1 is also worth a brief mention. Like the Mini 12, the Instax Square SQ1 produces good-quality shots, is easy to set up and use, and comes with a built-in selfie mirror. The reason we didn’t include it above, however, is that it costs nearly twice as much as the Mini 12 at $119.95, though we do sometimes see it on sale for $100.
That said, it might be worth a look if you prefer large 2.4 x 2.4-inch square prints and relatively true-to-life photos over vintage-looking stills. After all, the SQ1 is still cheaper than the Polaroid Now Plus and produces higher-quality images than the Kodak Mini Shot 3 Square Retro, which also prints similarly sized square shots.
Fujifilm also sells the newer Instax Square SQ40. It’s similar to the Instax Square SQ1 but with a vintage look that’s more visually striking, yet it’s also more expensive at $149. Given it produces similarly good-quality photos and is not likely to go on sale anytime soon, I’d recommend the Instax Square SQ1 or the more capable Instax Mini Evo for $50 more.
Avoid the Kodak Printomatic
We also tested a few instant cameras that we would advise people to steer clear of. The Kodak Printomatic is chief among those, and we specifically mention it because it’s often one of the bestselling instant cameras on Amazon. We suspect that’s because it’s routinely on sale for $49.99 ($30 off) with a pack of film — specifically, a 10-pack of Zink photo prints with adhesive backings so you can use the images as stickers. However, if you’re simply looking for a budget-friendly instant camera, it’s not worth purchasing over Fujifilm’s Instax Mini 12.
As is common with Zink photos, the Printomatic’s resulting photo quality isn’t clear and tends to be oversaturated. In fact, many photos were so bad that I barely recognized the subject in the frame. The camera is also slow to print and wasn’t always responsive when I pressed the shutter button, which meant I occasionally had to press it a few times to take a shot. All in all, it was a frustrating camera to use that’s not worth the $30 you may save by picking it over Fujifilm’s Instax Mini 12. Besides, you’ll probably be using the money saved to buy extra film given how many prints you’ll waste.
Update, October 29th:Updated links and adjusted pricing.
The one tiny image of the new silver Mac Mini shows what appear to be a headphone jack and two front-facing USB-C ports, presumably with at least Thunderbolt 4 support. It’s available with a base or Pro version of the new M4 chipset, with up to 14 CPU cores, 20 GPU cores, 64GB of memory, and 8TB of storage. The backside ports will remain a mystery for now.
The M4 will be a significant jump from the M2 found in current Mac Minis, last refreshed in January 2023. That boost in power should help with current and future Apple Intelligence processing, jumping from 15.8 TOPS to 38 TOPS according to previous reporting by Bloomberg’s Mark Gurman.
Gurman also notes that the new smaller Mini approaches the size of an Apple TV streamer. And judging by the side-by-side with the Mac Studio, it certainly looks small which should make it a very compelling Mac in terms of size and power.
The Mac Mini is rumored to be getting an official announcement later today with full details and pricing so stay tuned.
How Russia, China and Iran Are Interfering in the Presidential Election Eight years after Russia interfered in the 2016 presidential election, foreign influence with American voters has grown more sophisticated. That could have outsize consequences in the 2024 race.
No, poll workers aren’t handing out Sharpies to invalidate ballots. The writing utensils figured prominently in conspiracy theories in previous elections. But they’re often fine to use on paper ballots.
The grievance-driven blueprint for the next Trump administration
The Verge’s guide to Project 2025.
For the better part of this year, Project 2025 has been a catchall among Democrats for the threat former President Donald Trump poses to American society. The more than 900-page Mandate for Leadership, crafted by conservative think tank the Heritage Foundation, is a sprawling and often contradictory mix of ideas from more than 100 organizations. It’s tied together not by unified policy predictions but by a series of preoccupations: China; “wokeness”; climate denialism; and a commitment to gutting or abolishing federal agencies. It includes plans that would remake America’s approach to technology, but like many things in the document, its authors can’t exactly agree on how.
Trump has attempted to distance himself from the policy plan, but it’s tied to him by numerous threads. His running mate, JD Vance, is friends with Kevin Roberts, the president of the Heritage Foundation, and Vance even wrote the introduction to Roberts’ forthcoming book, Dawn’s Early Light. (The book’s publication, initially slated for September, was postponed until after the election.) And some of Project 2025’s chapters were written by Trump’s own former administration officials, including FCC commissioner Brendan Carr and Department of Homeland Security official Ken Cuccinelli.
If Trump is elected, it’s highly likely that some of Project 2025’s ideas would be implemented — we just don’t know which ones. The most provocative proposals, like banning pornography, are prominently highlighted but never explained. Authors, in turn, recommend fighting and embracing tech companies. “I don’t think I’ve encountered a single person in America who agrees with 100 percent,” Roberts said at the Reboot Conference in San Francisco in September. “It’s like the menu at the Cheesecake Factory.”
Much of what’s on the menu is notably less delicious. We’re not going to break down every piece of Project 2025 here — you can find more general guides at CBS News, which showed how many of Project 2025’s policy recommendations match Trump’s own; ProPublica, which obtained secret training videos created for Project 2025’s Presidential Administration Academy; and TheNew York Times, which interviewed several former Trump officials involved in the creation of Project 2025. Instead, we’re taking a look at how its recommendations would affect tech at every level, from how companies can hire foreign workers to the social media platforms we use every day.
Though there are some contradictions between and within chapters — signs of fissures or points of contention among the dozens of participating organizations — Project 2025 does, in the end, amount to a coherent vision. The document calls for a radical expansion of government power to punish conservatives’ enemies in tech, oust potential dissenters within the federal bureaucracy, and enforce right-wing wish list items like mass deportations and a national abortion ban. All of this would be combined with mass deregulation and the defunding of social services and federal agencies that contribute to the public welfare. Project 2025’s authors want small government for social goods — but big government for retribution.
Federal Trade Commission
Authored by:Adam Candeub, a professor of law at Michigan State University. Candeub served as the acting assistant secretary of commerce for telecommunications and information under Trump. From 2020 to 2021, he was the deputy associate attorney general in Trump’s Department of Justice.
Project 2025’s FTC guidelines are perhaps the clearest example of conservative ambivalence toward tech. The section doesn’t actually offer a set of policy proposals. Instead, it outlines two diametrically opposed approaches: one where the Trump administration fiercely enforces antitrust law to break up monopolies; and another where it does barely anything at all.
In the enforcement route, Project 2025 suggests using the FTC to rein in major corporations, especially big tech companies. It puts forward the European Union’s “less friendly regulatory environment” as a good model, possibly referring to EU laws like the Digital Markets Act, which have forced tech companies to make major hardware and software changes to their products. It encourages the FTC to partner with state attorneys general to scrutinize or block hospital, supermarket, and big tech mergers. And it recommends that the FTC look into whether social media platforms’ advertising to and contract-making with children constitute unfair trade practices.
While there’s overlap with Democratic antitrust priorities here, there’s also a focus on clearly partisan concerns. The chapter suggests investigating whether social media platforms censored political speech in collusion with the government, following up on probes by the Republican-led House of Representatives and Republican state attorneys general. (Hunter Biden’s laptop, unsurprisingly, gets a mention.) You’ll also see references to issues like the “de-banking” of controversial figures, which the Trump family has cited as an inspiration for its mysterious crypto platform. “We are witnessing in today’s markets the use of economic power — often market and perhaps even monopoly power — to undermine democratic institutions and civil society,” the chapter claims.
Each of these points is contradicted by a long-standing conservative counterpoint: the government should let the market regulate itself. If the FTC regulates how children use internet platforms, for example, it could undermine conservatives’ calls for “parental empowerment on education or vaccines.” Expanding cooperation between the FTC and state attorneys general could “tie middle America to big progressive government.”
Ultimately, though, the chapter seems to favor intervention. Conservatives “cannot unilaterally disarm and fail to use the power of government to further a conservative agenda,” it warns, even if their goal is to do away with the regulatory state.
Federal Communications Commission
Authored by:Brendan Carr, a member of the Federal Communications Commission who was appointed by Trump in 2017.
Much of this chapter focuses on “reining in” major tech companies. Carr proposes a host of policies, including eliminating certain immunities under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act and “clarifying” that Section 230’s key 26 words should only be used in cases about platforms failing to remove illegal material posted by users, not as a broader shield for moderation decisions.
Carr’s real concern is with social media platforms’ alleged suppression of conservative speech. The chapter suggests requiring “Big Tech” to follow net neutrality-like rules similar to those for broadband providers, like disclosure on practices such as blocking and prioritizing content. Platforms should also be required to “offer a transparent appeals process” when user content is taken down.
The chapter also suggests that the FCC regulatory power should be expanded with “fundamental Section 230 reforms” that let it regulate how online platforms moderate content — or, in Carr’s words, “no longer have carte blanche to censor protected speech.” Carr describes Texas’ HB 20 — the law that forbids platforms from removing, demonetizing, or downlinking posts based on “viewpoint,” which set the stage for NetChoice v. Paxton — as a possible model for federal legislation.
As companies must stop “censoring” conservative speech, they’re supposed to restrict children from accessing certain social media platforms. Carr quickly notes that these views “are not shared uniformly by all conservatives,” but as is the case in other chapters, the notion of expanding government powers to punish right-wing opponents ends up winning out over a more laissez-faire approach.
Congress should also require big tech to pay into the FCC’s Universal Service Fund, which helps fund broadband access in rural communities and is currently funded by broadband providers. It’s another example of Project 2025’s movement away from Reagan-era “small government” conservatives in favor of punishing disfavored targets with more regulation.
The chapter also recommends that the FCC and White House work together to free additional airwaves for commercial wireless services and generally do more to “move spectrum into the commercial marketplace.” Carr also recommends that the government build out internet infrastructure on federally owned land. The latter, however, can’t be accomplished by the FCC alone, and Carr notes that it would require working with the Bureau of Land Management and the Forest Service, among other agencies. The chapter also recommends that the FCC more quickly review and approve applications to launch new satellites, specifically for the purposes of supporting StarLink, Kuiper, and similar efforts.
And then there’s China. One of the primary recommendations is that the FCC “address TikTok’s threat to national security.” (Congress has, since the time the Mandate for Leadership was published, done just that by attempting to ban the app unless it divests from its parent company, ByteDance; whether the courts will let that happen remains to be seen.) Others include creating a more regular process to review entities “with ties to the CCP’s surveillance state” and stopping US entities “from indirectly contributing to China’s AI goals.”
Financial regulatory agencies
Authored by:David R. Burton, a senior research fellow in economic policy at the Heritage Foundation; and Robert Bowes, a senior adviser to the assistant secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development under Trump and former adviser to Trump aide Stephen Miller.
While other sections are often ambivalent about government regulation, this chapter straightforwardly suggests giving major concessions to cryptocurrency and loosening restrictions on who can invest in private companies.
Anyone who’s been following Trump’s attempts to court the crypto community should know what’s coming here. There are a host of recommendations for the Securities and Exchange Commission, which the authors say has “chosen regulation by enforcement” for cryptocurrency. The biggest change would be redefining digital assets as commodities, instead of securities, so they’re no longer regulated by the SEC.
The chapter also recommends making private capital raising less restrictive by changing a rule known as Regulation D. Under Regulation D, companies can raise unlimited funds for securities from an unlimited number of “accredited investors,” with no disclosure needed to the SEC. “Accredited investors” must currently have a salary of $200,000 (or $300,000 combined with their spouse) or a net worth of at least $1 million, excluding their primary residence. As of 2022, more than 24 million American households met these requirements. Project 2025 recommends broadening these qualifications or eliminating them altogether.
In practice, this would let anyone invest in any private company, not just — as the rule stands today — companies on the public market. To go public, companies have to meet certain requirements and file a registration statement with the SEC, where they’re subject to reporting requirements. In exchange, they currently get access to a much broader pool of potential investors. Eliminating the accredited investor requirement would effectively allow companies to skirt the requirements of going public — and the oversight they’re subject to afterward.
Department of Commerce
Authored by:Thomas F. Gilman, the director of ACLJ Action, a conservative organization affiliated with the American Center for Law and Justice. Gilman was the chief financial officer and assistant secretary for administration of the US Department of Commerce under Trump.
This sprawling chapter touches on nearly every major Project 2025 theme, from fears of China to the “alarm industry” of federal climate monitoring. Like practically every other section, it recommends expanding the federal government’s reach if it will advance conservative interests and doing away with any agencies that don’t.
In keeping with the goal of dismantling federal bureaucracies, this chapter suggests doing away with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), which it says should be privatized or placed under the control of states and territories. Other agencies, like the National Weather Service (NWS) and Office of Oceanic and Atmospheric Research, would be severely downsized. (In a statement provided to the Los Angeles Times, Steven R. Smith, the CEO of AccuWeather — which Project 2025 suggested could replace the NWS — said AccuWeather’s forecast engine partly relies on NOAA data.) These agencies provide the data used in weather forecasts accessed by millions of Americans each day and also give the public crucial information about impending hurricanes, heatwaves, and other natural disasters and extreme weather events.
The Republican libertarian wing may get its goal of privatizing federal agencies, but most of this chapter argues for more — not less — government interference in the market. Noting that China has made significant advances in semiconductor design, aerospace technologies, and other crucial industries, it recommends new rules to prevent tech transfer to foreign adversaries. It also suggests an executive order expanding the Export Control Reform Act of 2018 to restrict exports of Americans’ data. And it opposes intellectual property waivers for “cutting-edge technologies” like covid-19 vaccines — which an earlier chapter says the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention shouldn’t encourage people to get — through international agreements. These waivers, which were hotly debated for years following the onset of the pandemic, give low- and middle-income countries access to life-saving immunizations, though advocates say more needs to be done to achieve global vaccine equity.
The chapter also suggests adding certain app providers — including WeChat, TikTok, and TikTok’s parent company, ByteDance — to the entity list, which would prevent the apps from issuing program updates in the US, effectively making them nonoperational. The Heritage Foundation apparently didn’t get the memo that Trump loves TikTok now.
Department of Transportation
Authored by:Diana Furchtgott-Roth, director of the Heritage Foundation’s Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment.
Unlike other chapters that are openly antagonistic toward tech companies, this chapter suggests partnering with the private sector to “revolutionize travel.” There’s an emphasis on private transportation over public transportation — not just in terms of opposing government funding for mass transit but also supporting ridehailing apps, self-driving vehicles, and micromobility, which only gets a passing mention in the chapter but likely refers to e-bikes and electric scooters.
Current policies, the document says, “strangle the development of new technologies” like drones. Instead, the DOT should encourage the use of small aircraft for air taxis or for quiet vertical flights. It should also push for a shift to digital or remote control towers for planes, letting flights be managed “anywhere from anywhere.”
Department of the Treasury
Authored by:William L. Walton, a trustee of the Heritage Foundation and the founder and chair of the private equity firm Rappahannock Ventures LLC; Stephen Moore, a visiting fellow in economics at the Heritage Foundation; and David R. Burton, a senior research fellow in economic policy at the Heritage Foundation.
Under Project 2025, the US would effectively abandon its commitment to stopping climate change. The chapter suggests getting rid of the department’s Climate Hub office and withdrawing from international climate change agreements, including the Paris agreement and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Instead of focusing on clean energy or climate change-resilient infrastructure, the chapter suggests that the government should invest in domestic energy, especially oil and gas.
Like several other sections, this chapter takes aim at “wokeness” and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs. As part of Project 2025’s plan to gut the federal workforce, it suggests identifying all Treasury officials who have participated in DEI initiatives, publishing their communications about DEI, and firing anyone who participated in DEI initiatives “without objecting on constitutional or moral grounds.”
Department of Health and Human Services
Authored by:Roger Severino, a vice president at the Heritage Foundation and former director of its DeVos Center for Religion and Civil Society, who served as the director of the HHS’s Office of Civil Rights under Trump.
The bottom line: Project 2025 would limit the government’s ability to do basic health governance while setting up a surveillance state for pet conservative issues like abortion and gender-affirming care for trans people.
Much of the HHS chapter focuses on the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s response to covid-19, which the author characterizes as near totalitarian. The chapter recommends barring the CDC from saying that children should be masked or vaccinated against any illness and says that the CDC should be investigated for “colluding with Big Tech to censor dissenting opinions during Covid.” The author also suggests moving several CDC programs — including the Clinical Immunization Safety Assessment project, which researches vaccine safety — to the Food and Drug Administration.
Unsurprisingly, abortion would be severely restricted. Under Project 2025, the FDA would reverse the approval of pills that facilitate medication abortions, which the document calls the “single greatest threat to unborn children.” The FDA would also eliminate policies allowing people to order abortion pills by mail or online. As the CDC would stop encouraging vaccinations — which some conservatives believe infringe on bodily autonomy — the agency would increase its surveillance and recordkeeping of abortions and maternal mortality. This includes a recommendation that the HHS “use every available tool, including the cutting of funds” to force states to report “exactly how many abortions take place within its borders.”
A separate study, through the National Institutes of Health, is recommended to investigate the “short-term and long-term negative effects of cross-sex interventions,” i.e., gender-affirming care. The report also recommends using AI to detect Medicaid fraud, which costs the US an estimated $100 billion a year and is typically perpetrated by healthcare providers, not individual beneficiaries of public healthcare.
Department of Homeland Security
Authored by:Ken Cuccinelli, who served in various capacities under Trump, including as the director of US Citizenship and Immigration Services and, later, the “senior official performing the duties of the Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security.”
Perhaps counterintuitively given Republicans’ laser focus on the US border, Project 2025 recommends abolishing the Department of Homeland Security. The goal, though, is to replace it with the Border Security and Immigration Agency, a new, more draconian, and less accountable immigration enforcement apparatus.
The Transportation Security Administration (TSA) would be privatized, and the Coast Guard would be moved to either the Department of Defense or the Department of Justice. Dismantling the DHS almost certainly won’t happen — it would require an act of Congress, and lawmakers haven’t passed an immigration bill in decades.
Project 2025 doesn’t just recommend more stringent restrictions on unauthorized immigration; it also lays out a vision of severely restricted legal immigration. It recommends scrapping the family-based immigration system that has been in place since 1965 and replacing it with a “merit-based system that rewards high-skilled aliens.” Other suggestions include eliminating the diversity visa lottery and altering the work visa system. This, too, would largely require congressional action.
As it prioritizes “merit-based” immigration to the US, the chapter proposes limiting foreign students’ ability to study here. In a move that (unlike much of this chapter) could be accomplished through executive action, it proposes ending what it calls Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) “cozy deference to educational institutions,” i.e., the issuing of student visas to most foreign students admitted to US universities. It also calls to “eliminate or significantly reduce the number of visas issued to foreign students from enemy nations” — implicitly, China.
Intelligence community
Authored by:Dustin J. Carmack, Meta’s director of public policy for the Southern and Southeastern US. Carmack, a former research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, was the chief of staff for the Office of the Director of National Intelligence under Trump from 2020 to 2021.
Concerns about China are far more explicit in this chapter, which looks at the “vast, intricate bureaucracy of intelligence agencies within the federal government.” The chapter raises the threat of Chinese (and to a lesser extent, Russian) espionage, online influence campaigns, and “legitimate businesses serving as collection platforms,” a possible allusion to TikTok. The Mandate for Leadership recommends amending Executive Order 12333 — which was signed by President Ronald Reagan in 1981 and, among other things, authorizes mass data collection for intelligence purposes to address the threats the US and its allies face “in cyberspace.”
But the chapter also claims intelligence agencies have dedicated far too much time to surveilling the former president, which allegedly proves a “shocking extent of politicization” among the agencies and the officials who lead them. (Its evidence includes the letter signed by 51 former intelligence officials ahead of the 2020 US presidential election claiming that the story about Hunter Biden’s laptop was likely a Russian information operation.) The author calls for an investigation into “past politicization and abuses of intelligence information.”
The chapter also recommends that Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) — the controversial law allowing warrantless wiretapping that was reauthorized earlier this year — be reformed with “strong provisions to protect against partisanship,” pointing to the use of FISA to surveil former Trump campaign associate Carter Page as part of the FBI’s investigation into Trump’s ties to Russia. There is little mention of how these vast surveillance powers affect regular people. In fact, the chapter notes that an independent review found that Section 702 surveillance powers were “not abused,” though it does recommend that Congress review further reports to determine whether any FISA reforms are needed.
Buried amid all these claims, it also recommends the Department of Defense examine the possibility of joint satellite and space programs with “potential allied nations” to counter the threat posed by Russia and China. Additionally, it suggests agencies spy on the space programs of foreign adversaries and collect more data on adversaries’ potential threats to US space programs.
Media agencies
Authored by:Mora Namdar, a former State Department official who worked as a senior policy adviser and acting assistant secretary of state in consular affairs under Trump; and Mike Gonzalez, a former journalist and current senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation.
These agencies aren’t as consequential as juggernauts like the FTC, but the usual slash-and-burn recommendations apply. Project 2025 encourages undercutting the Open Technology Fund, a subagency within the US Agency for Global Media dedicated to protecting free speech around the world that has funded open-source projects like Signal. It calls the OTF a “wasteful and redundant boondoggle” that makes “small, insubstantial donations to much larger messaging applications and technology to bolster its unsubstantiated claims” and — contra its name and stated mission — suggests it fund closed-source technology instead.
The chapter also notes that there is “vast concern” about the vulnerability of undersea cable trunks that power the internet and says that major global conflict could cause widespread damage to these cables, potentially leading to long-lasting power outages. There is no mention of what can be done to prevent this, though the chapter does say that the US Agency for Global Media’s shortwave radio capabilities could help carry broadcasts and maintain communication in areas where online traffic is limited or restricted.